Since the introduction of the Internet to the Chinese public in 1996, China has become the country with the most Internet users. It went from having only 20 million users in 2001 to having more than 200 million users in 2008. However, this achievement is suppressed by the fact that the Chinese government maintains strict control over the Internet.
Chinese authorities are heavily involved in every aspect of the Internet in order to ensure that they do not lose the control they have had over their citizens for centuries. From the Internet’s beginning in China, they acknowledged “the potential contributions of the Internet and other ICTs [information and communication technologies] to economic modernization and growth” (68) and felt it was necessary to maintain authority over this new method used to share information. Although China claims its goal is the “limitation of pornography, gambling, and other harmful practices,” (69) it seems more concerned on censoring subjects such as the “criticism of top leaders, independent evaluations of China’s rights record, [and] violations of minority rights in Tibet and Xinjiang” (69) regarding the Communist Party.
Despite having access to “video-sharing websites, social-networking tools, and email services,” (68) Chinese citizens cannot reliably access popular overseas services such as You-Tube, Wordpress, and Blogspot, while Gmail and Hotmail face constant complications. Even Facebook, which is extremely popular among college students, was blocked last year especially around the time when the Beijing Olympics took place. And while some outside online services, such as Google and Skype, are available, it is only due to the fact that these online companies have agreed to alter and censor their services to the Chinese public. Cybercafes are also under strict regulations. The Ministry of Culture (MC) is responsible for providing them with licenses, and, since 2003, it has made cybercafes operate as chain stores. Their popularity has increased so much to where the MC is no longer issuing new licenses and the police physically monitor many, if not all, of them. Online discussions have even tried to be guided by the government through the recruitment of commentators to guide opinions. Such activities are even responsible for the fact that “China has the world’s largest number of individuals imprisoned for their online activities” (68).
The Communist Party in China is able to have Internet control over its citizens through four different strategies, which involve technical filtering, prepublication censorship, postpublication censorship, and proactive manipulation. Technical filtering mainly involves blocking foreign websites. This large task is enforced through six or eight state-run operators in some of China’s largest cities. By using lists of taboo topics provided by the Chinese government, prepublication censorship is implemented. Postpublication censorship in many cases involves removing posted information off the Internet. Lastly, through proactive manipulation, the government is able to make its citizens believe what is most convenient for its political goals.
Chinese citizens who go against censorship regulation or upload controversial information are liable to different punitive measures such as “criminal and financial liability, long term imprisonment, and loss of a business license, though enforcement is selective” (71). In April 2008, Hu Jia, a “well-known human rights activist and winner of the European Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought” (71), was imprisoned for three and a half years for “inciting subversion of state power” (71) after articles he had written and posted online. In July 2008, China also had at least 49 cyberdissidents in jail. This number supersedes that of any other country. And while the average prison sentence in other countries is six months to four years for illegal online activities, in China the range is anywhere from three to ten years. “Extralegal intimidation and harassment” (72) are even becoming more frequent as more citizens are participating in activities that are unfavorable with their government. Wei Wenhua, a construction company executive, was a victim of this in January 2008, when he was “beaten to death in Hubei providence by 50 law enforcement officers after he used his mobile phone to film them in a violent clash with demonstrators” (72).
The Internet, regardless of all its limitation in China, has become “a primary source of news and a forum for discussion” (72). It has allowed many civil society organizations to exist online with the agreement of the government, and it is still a better alternative to the more traditional media in China. Yet the Internet is still facing many uncertainties as the Chinese government has two options for its future. Chinese authorities could either continue limiting the opinion of its people in order to stay in power or, although unlikely to occur in the near future, could broaden the limitations of the Internet in order to increase connectivity. Either way, China has a long way to go, which is extremely clear given that the author of this article has remained anonymous.
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